Formerly state senator for the 9th District, a Republican. In the Senate from the 2008–2009 session to the 2022–2023 session, and before that in the General Assembly, for the 9th District, from the 2000–2001 session to the 2006–2007 session.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. Shells, bills filed to be amended into something else later, count only once they pass a chamber. How these are measured
In the 2022–2023 session, the last term served.
A member of Community and Urban Affairs and Military and Veterans' Affairs.
Each term's bills, those the member was last chief sponsor of and those carried from the other chamber. Each term leads to a page of its bills.
1 passed the Senate · 84 not past the Senate · 23 co-sponsored
1 became law · 2 passed the Senate · 72 not past the Senate · 35 co-sponsored
1 became law · 1 passed the Senate · 69 not past the Senate · 1 carried from the General Assembly · 26 co-sponsored
1 became law · 2 passed the Senate · 70 not past the Senate · 34 co-sponsored
3 passed the Senate · 65 not past the Senate · 35 co-sponsored
4 became law · 1 passed the Senate · 80 not past the Senate · 31 co-sponsored
2 became law · 6 passed the Senate · 81 not past the Senate · 49 co-sponsored
3 became law · 2 passed the Senate · 90 not past the Senate · 46 co-sponsored
2006–2007 Session, General Assembly71
1 became law · 70 not past the General Assembly · 121 co-sponsored
2004–2005 Session, General Assembly62
62 not past the General Assembly · 114 co-sponsored
2002–2003 Session, General Assembly29
29 not past the General Assembly · 1 carried from the Senate · 102 co-sponsored
2000–2001 Session, General Assembly53
1 became law · 2 passed the General Assembly · 50 not past the General Assembly · 113 co-sponsored
Each term's bills, scored the way the Center for Effective Lawmaking scores every state legislator, beside what a member in the same place would be expected to score. A term still sitting is scored as it stands.
On each scale, a dot is another member of the chamber that term, the shaded band is about as expected, and the triangle marks the middle member.
2022–2023 · Senate: 0.8 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a eighth term; the middle senator scored 1.0 times; 42 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2020–2021 · Senate: 1.0 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a seventh term; the middle senator scored 0.8 times; 42 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2018–2019 · Senate: 0.7 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a sixth term; the middle senator scored 0.8 times; 44 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2016–2017 · Senate: 1.1 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a fifth term; the middle senator scored 0.8 times; 43 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2014–2015 · Senate: 0.8 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle senator scored 1.0 times; 41 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2012–2013 · Senate: 1.8 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle senator scored 0.9 times; 40 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2010–2011 · Senate: 1.5 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle senator scored 1.0 times; 43 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2008–2009 · Senate: 3.4 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle senator scored 1.0 times; 43 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2006–2007 · General Assembly: 0.8 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 81 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2004–2005 · General Assembly: 0.7 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 73 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2002–2003 · General Assembly: 0.3 times what was expected, less than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle assembly member scored 0.9 times; 88 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2000–2001 · General Assembly: 0.6 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 83 assembly members that term.
Our records begin with 2000–2001, so no earlier term counts toward what was expected.
Co-sponsorships, given and drawn, with the other party, set among the members of the same party in the chamber that term.
On each scale, a dot is another member of that party, and the triangle marks the middle one.
2022–2023 · Senate: 51% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 45%.
2020–2021 · Senate: 49% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 52%.
2018–2019 · Senate: 55% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 56%.
2016–2017 · Senate: 50% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 47%.
2014–2015 · Senate: 52% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 51%.
2012–2013 · Senate: 47% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 49%.
2010–2011 · Senate: 57% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 44%.
2008–2009 · Senate: 54% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 49%.
2006–2007 · General Assembly: 29% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican assembly member, 43%.
2004–2005 · General Assembly: 30% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican assembly member, 42%.
2002–2003 · General Assembly: 22% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican assembly member, 32%.
2000–2001 · General Assembly: 9% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican assembly member, 21%.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. A shell, a bill introduced to "make a technical change" so that it can be amended into something else later, counts once it has passed a chamber; until then it counts for no one.
Each term's score counts a member's bills at five steps: filed, acted on in committee, out of committee, passed their chamber, and became law. At each step a member's bills are taken as a share of all the chamber's, and the shares are added up, so that the chamber's average member scores 1. This follows the Center for Effective Lawmaking's method in outline. It differs in two ways: it counts every bill alike, where the Center weighs some as more significant than others, and it does not count shells that never moved, which the Center counts as bills.
What was expected of a member is worked out from the members of the same chamber and term: whether they were in the majority, whether they chaired a committee, and how many terms they had served in that chamber, counted from 2000, where l9n's records begin. About as expected is between half and one and a half times that. A term still sitting is scored as it stands that day, and will move.
Across the aisle counts the co-sponsorships between a member and the others in their chamber, those they gave and those their bills drew, and how many were with the other party. Each member is set among their own party, because the minority party crosses more.