State senator for the 25th District, a Republican. In the Senate since the 2018–2019 session, and before that in the General Assembly, for the 25th District, from the 2010–2011 session to the 2018–2019 session.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. Shells, bills filed to be amended into something else later, count only once they pass a chamber. How these are measured
On November 6, 2026, day 297 of its term, beside eight earlier sessions on the same day of theirs.
Bills as chief sponsor: 232; on the same day of earlier terms, from 27 (2010–2011) to 319 (2018–2019).
Passed their chamber: 1%; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0% (2010–2011) to 4% (2020–2021).
Became law: 0%; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0% (2010–2011) to 3% (2020–2021).
Carried from the other chamber: 0; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0 (2012–2013) to 3 (2016–2017).
Bills co-sponsored: 214; on the same day of earlier terms, from 39 (2010–2011) to 140 (2018–2019).
In the 2026–2027 session.
A member of Judiciary.
Each term's bills, those the member was last chief sponsor of and those carried from the other chamber. Each term leads to a page of its bills.
3 passed the Senate · 232 not past the Senate · 214 co-sponsored
5 became law · 3 passed the Senate · 233 not past the Senate · 4 carried from the General Assembly · 199 co-sponsored
1 became law · 2 passed the Senate · 172 not past the Senate · 3 carried from the General Assembly · 185 co-sponsored
3 became law · 3 passed the Senate · 102 not past the Senate · 4 carried from the General Assembly · 205 co-sponsored
3 became law · 2 passed the Senate · 228 not past the Senate · 31 co-sponsored
2018–2019 Session, General Assembly116
1 became law · 1 passed the General Assembly · 114 not past the General Assembly · 186 co-sponsored
2016–2017 Session, General Assembly85
1 became law · 1 passed the General Assembly · 83 not past the General Assembly · 5 carried from the Senate · 165 co-sponsored
2014–2015 Session, General Assembly56
1 became law · 55 not past the General Assembly · 1 carried from the Senate · 118 co-sponsored
2012–2013 Session, General Assembly44
1 became law · 1 passed the General Assembly · 42 not past the General Assembly · 89 co-sponsored
2010–2011 Session, General Assembly31
31 not past the General Assembly · 1 carried from the Senate · 65 co-sponsored
Each term's bills, scored the way the Center for Effective Lawmaking scores every state legislator, beside what a member in the same place would be expected to score. A term still sitting is scored as it stands.
On each scale, a dot is another member of the chamber that term, the shaded band is about as expected, and the triangle marks the middle member.
2026–2027 · Senate: 1.9 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a fifth term; the middle senator scored 0.9 times; 40 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2024–2025 · Senate: 2.9 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle senator scored 0.9 times; 41 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2022–2023 · Senate: 1.9 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle senator scored 1.0 times; 42 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2020–2021 · Senate: 2.0 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle senator scored 0.8 times; 42 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2018–2019 · Senate: 2.4 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle senator scored 0.8 times; 44 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2018–2019 · General Assembly: 2.0 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a fifth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.9 times; 90 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2016–2017 · General Assembly: 1.9 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 84 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2014–2015 · General Assembly: 1.2 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle assembly member scored 0.7 times; 86 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2012–2013 · General Assembly: 2.0 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 77 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2010–2011 · General Assembly: 1.1 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle assembly member scored 1.1 times; 88 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
Co-sponsorships, given and drawn, with the other party, set among the members of the same party in the chamber that term.
On each scale, a dot is another member of that party, and the triangle marks the middle one.
2026–2027 · Senate: 44% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 44%.
2024–2025 · Senate: 46% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 46%.
2022–2023 · Senate: 47% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 45%.
2020–2021 · Senate: 52% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 52%.
2018–2019 · Senate: 16% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican senator, 56%.
2018–2019 · General Assembly: 26% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican assembly member, 40%.
2016–2017 · General Assembly: 29% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican assembly member, 41%.
2014–2015 · General Assembly: 33% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican assembly member, 39%.
2012–2013 · General Assembly: 32% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican assembly member, 37%.
2010–2011 · General Assembly: 38% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Republican assembly member, 37%.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. A shell, a bill introduced to "make a technical change" so that it can be amended into something else later, counts once it has passed a chamber; until then it counts for no one.
Each term's score counts a member's bills at five steps: filed, acted on in committee, out of committee, passed their chamber, and became law. At each step a member's bills are taken as a share of all the chamber's, and the shares are added up, so that the chamber's average member scores 1. This follows the Center for Effective Lawmaking's method in outline. It differs in two ways: it counts every bill alike, where the Center weighs some as more significant than others, and it does not count shells that never moved, which the Center counts as bills.
What was expected of a member is worked out from the members of the same chamber and term: whether they were in the majority, whether they chaired a committee, and how many terms they had served in that chamber, counted from 2000, where l9n's records begin. About as expected is between half and one and a half times that. A term still sitting is scored as it stands that day, and will move.
Across the aisle counts the co-sponsorships between a member and the others in their chamber, those they gave and those their bills drew, and how many were with the other party. Each member is set among their own party, because the minority party crosses more.