State senator for the 15th District, a Democrat. In the Senate since the 2000–2001 session.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. Shells, bills filed to be amended into something else later, count only once they pass a chamber. How these are measured
On November 6, 2026, day 297 of its term, beside 13 earlier sessions on the same day of theirs.
Bills as chief sponsor: 211; on the same day of earlier terms, from 66 (2000–2001) to 216 (2018–2019).
Passed their chamber: 3%; on the same day of earlier terms, from <1% (2024–2025) to 6% (2012–2013).
Became law: 1%; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0% (2000–2001) to 2% (2016–2017).
Carried from the other chamber: 2; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0 (2000–2001) to 10 (2016–2017).
Bills co-sponsored: 257; on the same day of earlier terms, from 41 (2010–2011) to 188 (2020–2021).
In the 2026–2027 session.
Economic GrowthVice-chair
EducationVice-chair
Also a member of State Government, Wagering, Tourism & Historic Preservation.
Each term's bills, those the member was last chief sponsor of and those carried from the other chamber. Each term leads to a page of its bills.
2 became law · 4 passed the Senate · 212 not past the Senate · 2 carried from the General Assembly · 257 co-sponsored
7 became law · 1 vetoed · 2 passed the Senate · 228 not past the Senate · 8 carried from the General Assembly · 298 co-sponsored
6 became law · 1 vetoed · 2 passed the Senate · 230 not past the Senate · 9 carried from the General Assembly · 274 co-sponsored
8 became law · 1 vetoed · 8 passed the Senate · 228 not past the Senate · 12 carried from the General Assembly · 408 co-sponsored
16 became law · 2 passed the Senate · 222 not past the Senate · 8 carried from the General Assembly · 218 co-sponsored
8 became law · 3 vetoed · 12 passed the Senate · 212 not past the Senate · 17 carried from the General Assembly · 176 co-sponsored
3 became law · 6 vetoed · 8 passed the Senate · 225 not past the Senate · 12 carried from the General Assembly · 125 co-sponsored
5 became law · 3 vetoed · 15 passed the Senate · 176 not past the Senate · 128 co-sponsored
7 became law · 3 vetoed · 4 passed the Senate · 175 not past the Senate · 109 co-sponsored
7 became law · 3 passed the Senate · 199 not past the Senate · 129 co-sponsored
11 became law · 2 passed the Senate · 199 not past the Senate · 145 co-sponsored
9 became law · 5 passed the Senate · 228 not past the Senate · 106 co-sponsored
4 became law · 8 passed the Senate · 187 not past the Senate · 154 co-sponsored
4 became law · 6 passed the Senate · 104 not past the Senate · 218 co-sponsored
Each term's bills, scored the way the Center for Effective Lawmaking scores every state legislator, beside what a member in the same place would be expected to score. A term still sitting is scored as it stands.
On each scale, a dot is another member of the chamber that term, the shaded band is about as expected, and the triangle marks the middle member.
2026–2027 · Senate: 1.2 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a 14th term; the middle senator scored 0.9 times; 40 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2024–2025 · Senate: 0.8 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a 13th term; the middle senator scored 0.9 times; 41 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2022–2023 · Senate: 1.5 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a twelfth term; the middle senator scored 1.0 times; 42 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2020–2021 · Senate: 1.6 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a eleventh term; the middle senator scored 0.8 times; 42 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2018–2019 · Senate: 2.3 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a tenth term; the middle senator scored 0.8 times; 44 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2016–2017 · Senate: 1.7 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a ninth term; the middle senator scored 0.8 times; 43 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2014–2015 · Senate: 1.4 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a eighth term; the middle senator scored 0.9 times; 41 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2012–2013 · Senate: 1.5 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a seventh term; the middle senator scored 0.9 times; 40 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2010–2011 · Senate: 1.3 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a sixth term; the middle senator scored 1.0 times; 43 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2008–2009 · Senate: 1.3 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, chairing a committee, in a fifth term; the middle senator scored 1.0 times; 43 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2006–2007 · Senate: 1.6 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the majority, chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle senator scored 0.9 times; 42 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2004–2005 · Senate: 1.5 times what was expected, about as expected, for a senator in the majority, chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle senator scored 1.0 times; 42 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2002–2003 · Senate: 1.8 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the minority, chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle senator scored 0.9 times; 44 senators that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2000–2001 · Senate: 1.9 times what was expected, more than expected, for a senator in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle senator scored 1.0 times; 42 senators that term.
Our records begin with 2000–2001, so no earlier term counts toward what was expected.
Co-sponsorships, given and drawn, with the other party, set among the members of the same party in the chamber that term.
On each scale, a dot is another member of that party, and the triangle marks the middle one.
2026–2027 · Senate: 17% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 21%.
2024–2025 · Senate: 15% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 18%.
2022–2023 · Senate: 12% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 19%.
2020–2021 · Senate: 9% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 19%.
2018–2019 · Senate: 14% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 23%.
2016–2017 · Senate: 16% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 23%.
2014–2015 · Senate: 21% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 24%.
2012–2013 · Senate: 20% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 24%.
2010–2011 · Senate: 23% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 27%.
2008–2009 · Senate: 24% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 28%.
2006–2007 · Senate: 23% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 29%.
2004–2005 · Senate: 37% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 28%.
2002–2003 · Senate: 46% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 42%.
2000–2001 · Senate: 59% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic senator, 54%.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. A shell, a bill introduced to "make a technical change" so that it can be amended into something else later, counts once it has passed a chamber; until then it counts for no one.
Each term's score counts a member's bills at five steps: filed, acted on in committee, out of committee, passed their chamber, and became law. At each step a member's bills are taken as a share of all the chamber's, and the shares are added up, so that the chamber's average member scores 1. This follows the Center for Effective Lawmaking's method in outline. It differs in two ways: it counts every bill alike, where the Center weighs some as more significant than others, and it does not count shells that never moved, which the Center counts as bills.
What was expected of a member is worked out from the members of the same chamber and term: whether they were in the majority, whether they chaired a committee, and how many terms they had served in that chamber, counted from 2000, where l9n's records begin. About as expected is between half and one and a half times that. A term still sitting is scored as it stands that day, and will move.
Across the aisle counts the co-sponsorships between a member and the others in their chamber, those they gave and those their bills drew, and how many were with the other party. Each member is set among their own party, because the minority party crosses more.