Assembly member for the 14th District, a Democrat. In the General Assembly since the 2008–2009 session.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. Shells, bills filed to be amended into something else later, count only once they pass a chamber. How these are measured
On November 6, 2026, day 297 of its term, beside nine earlier sessions on the same day of theirs.
Bills as chief sponsor: 61; on the same day of earlier terms, from 6 (2008–2009) to 148 (2018–2019).
Passed their chamber: 8%; on the same day of earlier terms, from 1% (2012–2013) to 17% (2008–2009).
Became law: 3%; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0% (2008–2009) to 2% (2016–2017).
Carried from the other chamber: 0; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0 (2008–2009) to 8 (2018–2019).
Bills co-sponsored: 79; on the same day of earlier terms, from 50 (2008–2009) to 240 (2018–2019).
In the 2026–2027 session.
Also a member of Military and Veterans' Affairs.
Each term's bills, those the member was last chief sponsor of and those carried from the other chamber. Each term leads to a page of its bills.
2026–2027 Session, General Assembly61
2 became law · 3 passed the General Assembly · 56 not past the General Assembly · 79 co-sponsored
2024–2025 Session, General Assembly64
5 became law · 4 passed the General Assembly · 55 not past the General Assembly · 6 carried from the Senate · 103 co-sponsored
2022–2023 Session, General Assembly71
9 became law · 4 passed the General Assembly · 58 not past the General Assembly · 4 carried from the Senate · 114 co-sponsored
2020–2021 Session, General Assembly152
8 became law · 4 passed the General Assembly · 140 not past the General Assembly · 5 carried from the Senate · 171 co-sponsored
2018–2019 Session, General Assembly161
9 became law · 11 passed the General Assembly · 141 not past the General Assembly · 14 carried from the Senate · 308 co-sponsored
2016–2017 Session, General Assembly125
13 became law · 2 vetoed · 9 passed the General Assembly · 101 not past the General Assembly · 4 carried from the Senate · 272 co-sponsored
2014–2015 Session, General Assembly113
12 became law · 5 vetoed · 10 passed the General Assembly · 86 not past the General Assembly · 4 carried from the Senate · 271 co-sponsored
2012–2013 Session, General Assembly100
2 became law · 5 passed the General Assembly · 93 not past the General Assembly · 4 carried from the Senate · 237 co-sponsored
2010–2011 Session, General Assembly73
2 became law · 1 vetoed · 2 passed the General Assembly · 68 not past the General Assembly · 5 carried from the Senate · 191 co-sponsored
2008–2009 Session, General Assembly29
4 became law · 3 passed the General Assembly · 22 not past the General Assembly · 1 carried from the Senate · 127 co-sponsored
Each term's bills, scored the way the Center for Effective Lawmaking scores every state legislator, beside what a member in the same place would be expected to score. A term still sitting is scored as it stands.
On each scale, a dot is another member of the chamber that term, the shaded band is about as expected, and the triangle marks the middle member.
2026–2027 · General Assembly: 0.8 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, chairing a committee, in a tenth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 80 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2024–2025 · General Assembly: 0.9 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, chairing a committee, in a ninth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.9 times; 83 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2022–2023 · General Assembly: 1.1 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, chairing a committee, in a eighth term; the middle assembly member scored 1.0 times; 83 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2020–2021 · General Assembly: 1.1 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, chairing a committee, in a seventh term; the middle assembly member scored 0.9 times; 75 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2018–2019 · General Assembly: 1.7 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, chairing a committee, in a sixth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.9 times; 90 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2016–2017 · General Assembly: 1.7 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, chairing a committee, in a fifth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 84 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2014–2015 · General Assembly: 2.1 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.7 times; 86 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2012–2013 · General Assembly: 1.2 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 77 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2010–2011 · General Assembly: 1.7 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle assembly member scored 1.1 times; 88 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2008–2009 · General Assembly: 1.2 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle assembly member scored 0.9 times; 86 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
Co-sponsorships, given and drawn, with the other party, set among the members of the same party in the chamber that term.
On each scale, a dot is another member of that party, and the triangle marks the middle one.
2026–2027 · General Assembly: 15% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 8%.
2024–2025 · General Assembly: 16% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 8%.
2022–2023 · General Assembly: 25% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 10%.
2020–2021 · General Assembly: 19% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 9%.
2018–2019 · General Assembly: 19% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 9%.
2016–2017 · General Assembly: 16% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 13%.
2014–2015 · General Assembly: 19% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 12%.
2012–2013 · General Assembly: 14% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 14%.
2010–2011 · General Assembly: 12% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 13%.
2008–2009 · General Assembly: 3% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 12%.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. A shell, a bill introduced to "make a technical change" so that it can be amended into something else later, counts once it has passed a chamber; until then it counts for no one.
Each term's score counts a member's bills at five steps: filed, acted on in committee, out of committee, passed their chamber, and became law. At each step a member's bills are taken as a share of all the chamber's, and the shares are added up, so that the chamber's average member scores 1. This follows the Center for Effective Lawmaking's method in outline. It differs in two ways: it counts every bill alike, where the Center weighs some as more significant than others, and it does not count shells that never moved, which the Center counts as bills.
What was expected of a member is worked out from the members of the same chamber and term: whether they were in the majority, whether they chaired a committee, and how many terms they had served in that chamber, counted from 2000, where l9n's records begin. About as expected is between half and one and a half times that. A term still sitting is scored as it stands that day, and will move.
Across the aisle counts the co-sponsorships between a member and the others in their chamber, those they gave and those their bills drew, and how many were with the other party. Each member is set among their own party, because the minority party crosses more.