Assembly member for the 6th District, a Democrat. In the General Assembly since the 2000–2001 session.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. Shells, bills filed to be amended into something else later, count only once they pass a chamber. How these are measured
On November 6, 2026, day 297 of its term, beside 13 earlier sessions on the same day of theirs.
Bills as chief sponsor: 108; on the same day of earlier terms, from 34 (2002–2003) to 93 (2024–2025).
Passed their chamber: 5%; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0% (2000–2001) to 17% (2018–2019).
Became law: 1%; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0% (2000–2001) to 13% (2018–2019).
Carried from the other chamber: 1; on the same day of earlier terms, from 0 (2000–2001) to 6 (2018–2019).
Bills co-sponsored: 34; on the same day of earlier terms, from 30 (2018–2019) to 142 (2000–2001).
In the 2026–2027 session.
No committee places are held for this term.
Each term's bills, those the member was last chief sponsor of and those carried from the other chamber. Each term leads to a page of its bills.
2026–2027 Session, General Assembly109
1 became law · 4 passed the General Assembly · 104 not past the General Assembly · 1 carried from the Senate · 34 co-sponsored
2024–2025 Session, General Assembly121
14 became law · 4 passed the General Assembly · 103 not past the General Assembly · 8 carried from the Senate · 42 co-sponsored
2022–2023 Session, General Assembly95
18 became law · 1 vetoed · 11 passed the General Assembly · 65 not past the General Assembly · 5 carried from the Senate · 58 co-sponsored
2020–2021 Session, General Assembly94
13 became law · 2 vetoed · 3 passed the General Assembly · 76 not past the General Assembly · 7 carried from the Senate · 58 co-sponsored
2018–2019 Session, General Assembly102
18 became law · 4 passed the General Assembly · 80 not past the General Assembly · 14 carried from the Senate · 52 co-sponsored
2016–2017 Session, General Assembly84
9 became law · 2 vetoed · 2 passed the General Assembly · 71 not past the General Assembly · 6 carried from the Senate · 49 co-sponsored
2014–2015 Session, General Assembly60
7 became law · 2 vetoed · 4 passed the General Assembly · 47 not past the General Assembly · 3 carried from the Senate · 49 co-sponsored
2012–2013 Session, General Assembly85
4 became law · 6 vetoed · 11 passed the General Assembly · 64 not past the General Assembly · 9 carried from the Senate · 65 co-sponsored
2010–2011 Session, General Assembly78
4 became law · 6 vetoed · 2 passed the General Assembly · 66 not past the General Assembly · 13 carried from the Senate · 93 co-sponsored
2008–2009 Session, General Assembly69
12 became law · 4 passed the General Assembly · 53 not past the General Assembly · 7 carried from the Senate · 103 co-sponsored
2006–2007 Session, General Assembly62
3 became law · 4 passed the General Assembly · 55 not past the General Assembly · 6 carried from the Senate · 151 co-sponsored
2004–2005 Session, General Assembly87
15 became law · 7 passed the General Assembly · 65 not past the General Assembly · 8 carried from the Senate · 135 co-sponsored
2002–2003 Session, General Assembly58
8 became law · 2 passed the General Assembly · 48 not past the General Assembly · 10 carried from the Senate · 143 co-sponsored
2000–2001 Session, General Assembly52
52 not past the General Assembly · 191 co-sponsored
Each term's bills, scored the way the Center for Effective Lawmaking scores every state legislator, beside what a member in the same place would be expected to score. A term still sitting is scored as it stands.
On each scale, a dot is another member of the chamber that term, the shaded band is about as expected, and the triangle marks the middle member.
2026–2027 · General Assembly: 1.8 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a 14th term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 80 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2024–2025 · General Assembly: 2.2 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a 13th term; the middle assembly member scored 0.9 times; 83 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2022–2023 · General Assembly: 2.2 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a twelfth term; the middle assembly member scored 1.0 times; 83 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2020–2021 · General Assembly: 1.4 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a eleventh term; the middle assembly member scored 0.9 times; 75 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2018–2019 · General Assembly: 3.0 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a tenth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.9 times; 90 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2016–2017 · General Assembly: 1.6 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a ninth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 84 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2014–2015 · General Assembly: 1.3 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a eighth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.7 times; 86 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2012–2013 · General Assembly: 1.6 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, not chairing a committee, in a seventh term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 77 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2010–2011 · General Assembly: 1.2 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, chairing a committee, in a sixth term; the middle assembly member scored 1.1 times; 88 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2008–2009 · General Assembly: 1.2 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, chairing a committee, in a fifth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.9 times; 86 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2006–2007 · General Assembly: 0.7 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the majority, chairing a committee, in a fourth term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 81 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2004–2005 · General Assembly: 1.5 times what was expected, more than expected, for an assembly member in the majority, chairing a committee, in a third term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 73 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2002–2003 · General Assembly: 1.0 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the minority, chairing a committee, in a second term; the middle assembly member scored 0.9 times; 88 assembly members that term.
Terms counted from 2000.
2000–2001 · General Assembly: 0.7 times what was expected, about as expected, for an assembly member in the minority, not chairing a committee, in a first term; the middle assembly member scored 0.8 times; 83 assembly members that term.
Our records begin with 2000–2001, so no earlier term counts toward what was expected.
Co-sponsorships, given and drawn, with the other party, set among the members of the same party in the chamber that term.
On each scale, a dot is another member of that party, and the triangle marks the middle one.
2026–2027 · General Assembly: 5% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 8%.
2024–2025 · General Assembly: 8% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 8%.
2022–2023 · General Assembly: 7% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 10%.
2020–2021 · General Assembly: 9% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 9%.
2018–2019 · General Assembly: 6% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 10%.
2016–2017 · General Assembly: 19% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 13%.
2014–2015 · General Assembly: 26% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 12%.
2012–2013 · General Assembly: 19% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 14%.
2010–2011 · General Assembly: 14% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 12%.
2008–2009 · General Assembly: 22% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 12%.
2006–2007 · General Assembly: 13% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 10%.
2004–2005 · General Assembly: 12% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 11%.
2002–2003 · General Assembly: 22% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 19%.
2000–2001 · General Assembly: 37% of co-sponsorships crossed party lines; the middle Democratic assembly member, 34%.
A bill counts for the member who was its chief sponsor last. A shell, a bill introduced to "make a technical change" so that it can be amended into something else later, counts once it has passed a chamber; until then it counts for no one.
Each term's score counts a member's bills at five steps: filed, acted on in committee, out of committee, passed their chamber, and became law. At each step a member's bills are taken as a share of all the chamber's, and the shares are added up, so that the chamber's average member scores 1. This follows the Center for Effective Lawmaking's method in outline. It differs in two ways: it counts every bill alike, where the Center weighs some as more significant than others, and it does not count shells that never moved, which the Center counts as bills.
What was expected of a member is worked out from the members of the same chamber and term: whether they were in the majority, whether they chaired a committee, and how many terms they had served in that chamber, counted from 2000, where l9n's records begin. About as expected is between half and one and a half times that. A term still sitting is scored as it stands that day, and will move.
Across the aisle counts the co-sponsorships between a member and the others in their chamber, those they gave and those their bills drew, and how many were with the other party. Each member is set among their own party, because the minority party crosses more.